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"Until the last moment, we believed the illness would be overcome." Inna Kuley on the illness and death of Alexander Milinkevich and his legacy

In August, Alexander Milinkevich passed away — one of the most prominent domestic politicians, ex-presidential candidate, founder of the "For Freedom" Movement, and chancellor of the Free Belarusian University (FBU). His death came as a surprise, as rehabilitation had begun after a complex operation, and it seemed that Alexander was recovering, but a miracle did not happen.

His widow, Inna Kuley, for many years was not just his wife but also Milinkevich's closest associate. In a lengthy interview with "Zerkalo," she for the first time elaborately told about her husband's last months, why his farewell took place at the highest state level in Poland, and how the well-known politician envisioned the future of Belarusian national education.

— More than forty days have passed since Alexander's death. How are you holding up during this time, what keeps you going?

— I'm always interested in the question 'How are you?' How to answer it? Alive. A difficult question… Overall, life goes on, so you have to move forward, work. There are tasks, a mission, things to do. So, I need to pull myself together, because much needs to be done in Alexander's memory.

— In November last year, your husband underwent a scheduled operation. What went wrong?

— I stood in the corridor the whole time, looking into the eyes of every doctor who came out of the room. It was a computer-assisted operation: performed not with scalpels or other instruments, but precisely in the computer via a vein. An experienced team was working. At first, no one looked at me, and later they started smiling and saying that it was almost done. And when the procedure was supposed to end, the surgeon came out and announced: "Unfortunately, we have unpleasant news. Let's go in."

I went into the room, and he informed me that blood from the aorta had rushed into the brain and swelling occurred. We were told: "Prepare yourselves, because he will not live." Immediately—meaning it would happen just that night. The children and I were there the whole time.

Alexander was transferred to intensive care. He stayed there for almost three weeks. And from there, he was discharged to a regular ward as a person who was recovering. The outcome of the operation turned out to be unpredictable even for the doctors.

— Tell us about the rehabilitation process. Belarusians quite quickly raised money for it. How did Alexander react to this?

— For him, it was enormous moral support. By that time, he had been ill for several months. Hospital visits were restricted. Alexander was in a special box due to bacteria that typically appear after intensive care. For him, only we, the family, were transmitters of information, of news. He only had a radio, which was allowed [in the ward].

When he learned that the funds had been collected so quickly, it was simply a boost for his health. Alexander felt how many people were thinking of him, supporting him. This gave him spiritual strength.

— What news reached him, what did you discuss then?

— Very different topics. I told him what was happening with the family. His granddaughter, sons, and daughters-in-law also came. Within the family circle, we tried to talk about calming things, because the news in the world is not very good, and Alexander had a nervous condition, so a more stable state was required. Despite this, of course, he listened to and watched podcasts, news. He always carefully followed "Zerkalo," "Euroradio," "Radio Racyja," "Nasha Niva." He was constantly interested in [Ukrainian publicist] Vitaly Portnikov, [Russian political scientist] Andrei Piontkovsky. He listened to these at home too, to have balance and know the situation.

Reading was difficult, although for a while he could do it, but listening was wonderful. He had headphones, and his right hand remained mobile, so my husband could hold the phone. He gave his assessment and was aware of absolutely all events.

We discussed what was happening with work matters: with the Free University, the Vasil Bykau Award (the council, the so-called chapter for this award, had just met). Alexander gave his advice, talked about how he saw it. That is, we were absolutely confident that things were getting better, heading towards recovery.

Of course, the support collected for rehabilitation helped a lot. Despite Alexander being treated under NFZ (National Health Fund in Poland. — Ed. note), which is state medicine, we did some things to combat bacteria through consultations with a microbiologist, a star in her field. Our acquaintance Andrei Vitushka (a well-known Belarusian anesthesiologist-rehabilitologist. — Ed. note) helped us connect with her. She recommended a medication, and we bought it. And some things went very positively and well.

— How did Alexander himself assess his condition and prospects? He left me with the impression of a realistic person who never gave false hopes, but at the same time always remained an optimist.

— Do you remember when people ask about the 2006 elections: how did you run, knowing that it was impossible to win? You must always believe in what you are doing. For Alexander, this was also important. Because he is strong in spirit, a very responsible person. And, of course, until the last moment, we believed that the illness would be overcome.

"There would be no dignified funeral in Belarus"

— The farewell to Alexander took place at a high level: a representative of the Chancellery of the President of Poland was present, and a mass was held in one of Warsaw's main cathedrals. Explain to those unfamiliar with your husband's life path why the attitude of the neighboring country's authorities towards him was such.

— Alexander was from Grodno. Grodno residents are a special caste, a circle of people who felt very close to the Polish borderlands. The Union of Poles in Belarus (UPB) is located precisely in Grodno: a huge organization, in its best times numbering over 25,000 members. Relations with the Polish diaspora were always strong and effective.

As a child, Alexander heard Polish at home — his father graduated from Warsaw University, and then he and his mother worked at Janusz Korczak's "Our Home" organization (an educational shelter for children, founded in 1919. — Ed. note). Therefore, for him, Poland was never a foreign or alien state. It is a neighboring country — understandable, with which there have always been very good relations.

When Alexander was elected Deputy Mayor of Grodno, and later when he became the head of the "City Hall," he collaborated extensively with the Union of Poles. Under him, Polish schools were opened, and premises were provided for the UPB. The cooperation was so close that all ethnic Poles in Grodno (such as Tadeusz Gawin, Andzelika Borys, Andrzej Poczobut) speak Belarusian brilliantly. And most Belarusians who worked and lived there (for example, Alexander Milinkevich himself, and Witold Rudnik, Siarhei Salei, the guys and girls who work today for "Belsat") — all speak Polish excellently. For them, it is a close country.

My husband, along with the well-known Belarusian politician and historian Mikhail Tkachev, restorer Uladzimir Kisly, and our eldest son Alexander, found the remains of the last king of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Stanisław August Poniatowski — in a church in Vouchyn, Brest region.

These steps were highly appreciated by the Polish state. For Alexander, in principle, neither the opening of schools, nor cooperation, nor the king's remains were work for a foreign state. He believed (and all of us — conscious people — believe this) that this is our common history. These are our warriors who fought for freedom — many of them, born on today's Belarusian territory, became heroes worldwide. Therefore, it was absolutely normal for him to do such things. And they were highly appreciated, he received awards for these actions.

When news of his death appeared, I turned to high-ranking officials in the Polish government. Agnieszka Romaszewska (former director of the "Belsat" TV channel), Andrzej Poczobut, Jan Malicki (Polish historian, director of the Kalinouski program), Adam Halacinski (special representative of the Minister of Foreign Affairs) played a significant role. It was sincere daily, hourly support.

— Did you have to explain anything or fight for it?

— No, the decision simply took several days. Not because they were weighing whether Alexander deserved it. But it coincided with Polish Army Day — there were holidays, and at such a time it's impossible to make a high-level decision. Alexander died on August 11, and the decision was made on the 17th. But they called me constantly and said that the process was ongoing and that there was a 90% chance it would be positive.

Why did we ask for a funeral in Warsaw? Firstly, Alexander never wanted to be cremated; he had no such desire. He wanted to be buried in the family crypt in his village of Bershty — where his grandfather Alexander Milinkevich, who headed the Society of Belarusian School at the beginning of the 20th century, lies, whose family were fighters in the 1863 uprising. His grandmother Lida is also buried there, so my husband also wanted to be buried there.

The whole family knew about this. But we also knew that in the current situation, transporting the body to Belarus would be an extraordinary thing. We knew this because friends of our younger son from a Ukrainian organization, even before the war, helped transport deceased Ukrainians back to their homeland. These are very difficult bureaucratic procedures.

But most importantly: we were sure that there would be no dignified funeral in Belarus. Even close people and friends would be forbidden by the KGB or someone else; they would not be allowed to say goodbye under threat.

Therefore, after consulting with the family, we decided to appeal to the local authorities. Many thanks to them; from the highest officials (the president posthumously awarded Alexander) to the prime minister, the minister of foreign affairs, and the mayor of Warsaw, they met us halfway. It was organized very honorably.

"Many came after the funeral"

— The farewell took place in St. John's Cathedral, and the remains of Poniatowski, found by Alexander Milinkevich, are buried there.

— Yes, that's why we turned to the leadership of this cathedral. It was important to my husband. Until Christmas masses in Belarusian appeared in St. Alexander's Cathedral, we always came to visit our children (they have long been unwelcome, all "extremists") and went to St. John's Cathedral. For my husband, the presence of the king's remains in the crypts of this cathedral also gave him spiritual strength.

This is the most important church in Warsaw — the archcathedral. When we approached them, there was no question. There was supposed to be a concert at that time, and it was immediately canceled. They allowed an hour for farewells beforehand, and the organist came before the mass to play. Everyone met us halfway; it was pleasant.

Moreover, on Saturday, burials are not usually held at Powązki (honorary military cemetery in Warsaw. — Ed. note), and they also made an exception for us. This was important because many people wrote that they would like to come to the funeral. There were friends who flew for one day from San Francisco.

— Did people come from Belarus?

— There weren't many. One could say they are brave people, because it's a heroic act. Everyone knew there could be various consequences for it. But they were there, and it was very pleasant. Many came after the funeral. I met them at the cemetery, and also saw a postcard there that read: "Baranavichy activists will never forget you. Thank you for everything."

— Were there any unofficial condolences from the Belarusian authorities?

— No, absolutely none. No mentions, nothing. Several information resources from Grodno, at their own risk, published many materials stating that Alexander was an outstanding Grodno resident, a well-known and important person for the city. This commanded respect, because those pages could have been shut down in an instant.

"Every seven years one should renew their life"

— Alexander had many projects in his life, but the Free University became the most important in recent years. In 2015, he did not become the rector of EHU, losing in the elections to American David Pollick. And then Milinkevich said that this university was drifting away from Belarusian identity. Did this become the impetus for the creation of FBU?

— Yes, it truly became the impetus. Alexander often said: as American psychologists claim, every seven years one should renew their life, choose a different path. All his paths were interconnected, always for the benefit of Belarus.

He knew that there must be elections in political life. Therefore, in the "For Freedom" Movement, he conceded his place to Yuras Hubarevich through an election procedure. And the question arose of what to do next. He remained a politician nonetheless, but at one event, Stanisław Szuszkiewicz, together with Ales Bialiatski, told Alexander that elections were coming up at EHU: "You know how much you and we have put effort into convincing that if a university in exile calls itself Belarusian, then there must be Belarusian identity there." We indeed spent a lot of effort on this — I also, as head of the "Solidarity" committee, because expelled Belarusian students studied at EHU. Thanks to the people who worked there then — Vice-Rector Uladzimir Dunayeu, Pavel Tserashkovich, and the entire team of Belarusian teachers. They tried to ensure that the university acquired a Belarusian component.

But EHU Rector Anatol Mikhailau believed that it was impossible even to teach in Belarusian, as there wouldn't be enough words in the dictionary. He even said he couldn't imagine teaching philosophy in Belarusian. Mikhailau was the main figure at EHU, and it was hard to fight that. Therefore, when the elections for a new rector were held, an open window of opportunity appeared. Friends and associates told Alexander that he was a Doctor of Sciences, had taught at universities in Grodno and Algeria, was deeply Belarusian, a local historian — "This is your place." My husband felt that this could be his mission. Then he joked that although the elections didn't work out, he became a cleaner (he used this word with a laugh), because everything in that university began to stir and unpleasant things surfaced. This inspired the raising of questions that needed to be resolved at EHU, and some things, not immediately, but started to improve.

When he didn't win the elections, Bialiatski and Szuszkiewicz themselves said: "We need to establish our own." It was Stanisław Stanisławavich (a physicist, as you know) who believed that in today's situation, a classical university might take a secondary role, because people are mobile, the world is open, and the Internet is developing. Therefore, a digital institution would be the most interesting.

Szuszkiewicz advised starting from the top — not with bachelor's degrees, but with postgraduate education for people who already know what they want, and offering courses that would benefit the future Belarus.

Milinkevich saw a good thing in this: despite the fact that we are practically the last country in the region that must follow the path of democratic transformations, we can take the experience of those who have already gone this way and simply take the best. The idea was that the best examples of reforms, directions of development of neighboring countries (especially post-Soviet ones) could later be applied in Belarus. People who already see themselves in governing the state and economy need to be elevated to a global level, so they feel on par.

These were the ideas at FBU, and they came true. Today we have almost 1200 graduates from our courses from more than 30 countries. Lecturers from the USA, France, Estonia, Poland. Half of them are our young Belarusians who have defended their dissertations in their fields and, despite working in universities around the world, teach excellently in Belarusian. This is its own unique charm that we very much want to preserve.

— What does the Free University represent now as an educational platform? What are the directions and courses available?

— To determine courses, we conduct research twice a year. We survey students and do a special field part to find out which directions [are in demand]. We are flexible and ready for changes. Because, if you compare the Belarusian diaspora five years ago and today, the demands are different. Now people want to adapt more in their countries of residence, to feel stable. But the main foundation is national consciousness, knowledge of Belarusian history. This is mandatory for us because it gives inner Belarusian dignity.

During this time, directions that are most in demand and will definitely remain have crystallized. An example is the "Leadership School" for those who accidentally entered public life and want to learn systematic transformations, interaction in the political and NGO sector or political life. The second step is organizational management, where you can learn to resolve conflicts, strategically plan. We see that there is a demand for this.

Based on this example, we are launching an economic school. There were separate Mini-MBA courses, together with the University of Lodz — always a full house there. And the course "entrepreneurship as a lifestyle" together with a Swedish university. These topics are very interesting to people, as many have started their own businesses.

There is a direction for history, culture, ethnic issues. And the course that Alexander always led — "European integration and security" — is now taught by FBU program director Ales Lahvinets. At the moment, these are the topics we will definitely be working on.

The peculiarity of the Free University is that, together with partners, we issue a certificate — this is academic training. And many courses also provide credit points for students, meaning they can be transferred to their educational institution.

— You mentioned that Alexander Milinkevich abandoned the idea of a classical educational institution. But did he consider the possibility of an academic national university, where a school graduate could enroll — become a bachelor, then a master, and then defend a doctoral dissertation?

— Why not, certainly. Alexander always believed: the more Belarusian environment, opportunities, and institutions, the better. Simply, as a physicist, he saw a great future in the field of the internet. Moreover, he read many examples of institutions in France and Britain — so-called operator universities. They have practically no staff, and lecturers are invited to teach courses. When talking about universities, first one needs to clarify the needs.

Nothing is built from above. You have to start from the foundation. And first and foremost, it is worth conducting research: does society need such a Belarusian university today and in what form. If we are talking about a classical university — the question is how much demand there is for it. But a research university, where our scientists can find a place, a flexible institution with specific courses, is currently in demand.

Therefore, I am all for it. And Alexander also supported, for example, Oleg Trusau, who worked on the topic of a National University back in Belarus. But I simply think that the team involved in this must study public opinion.

Comments4

  • ай не так
    30.09.2026
    ., праблема егу была зуісм не ў тым, што нельга выкладаць філасофію па-беларуску. Трэба памятаць, што пасля пераезда ў літву егу стаў госьцем, а не гаспадаром. Навучанне ва ўстанове паволі зрабілася камерцыйным. Да камерцыі прымушалі эканамічныя абставіны і ўласна літва. Зацікаўленыя ў працы рускамоўныя літоўскія выкладчыкі паволі выцеснілі беларускамоўных. Менавіта пра гэта й казаў міхайлаў - не хапала беларускіх вучняў, якія былі гатовыя за гэта плаціць, таму набіралі рускамоўных з расеі. То бок сітуацыя развівался вымушана, а не па загаду нейкіх злодзеяў праціўнікаў беларускасьці
  • .
    30.09.2026
    Я кажу не пра сітуацыю ўвогуле (хаця ў ёй таксама рух па простаму пуці без уліку важнасці беларушчыны), а канкрэтна пра адзін з контраргументаў-адгаворак. Ён сам па сабе слабы, не ўзроўню навучальнай установы. Так "зразаюць" абывацелі.
  • никто не забыт ничто не забыто
    01.10.2026
    Александр Милинкевич один из первых ещё в 2006-2008гг. продвигал идею признания ЕС беларусского "парламента" не избранного, а фактически "назначенного" лукой.
    Если раньше я категорически был против этого, то спустя 18 лет на это смотрю несколько под другим углом.... Но забывать ноябрь 1996г, и деяния луки целый 1999г ни в коим случае нельзя

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