The anti-war segment of Russian society failed to demonstrate its position in the State Duma elections

The removal of the Yabloko party from the elections — the last one that hesitantly spoke out against the war, was the best sociological sign that a considerable part of Russian society is ready to consolidate around any anti-war alternative — no matter what. Otherwise, Yabloko would not have been banned, as it was not banned in previous elections.

On September 20, the Russian opposition failed to achieve what Belarusians managed in 2020 — to show that the king is naked, that people want something different.

This happened because the anti-war segment of Russian society remains in a permanently fragmented state. Some called for a boycott, others — for voting against "United Russia". Third ones advocated for the pseudo-liberal "New People" — saying they are the lesser evil, fourth ones — for striking out all candidates. Navalnaya and Katz proposed a principle complicated for the mass voter — "voting for the strongest competitor of "United Russia" in a given district" and voting for any party on party lists, as long as it's not "United Russia". One might think you have free elections.

They also called to repeat what Belarusians effectively did in 2020: come to the polling stations at a designated time. However, there was a critical mass of brave Belarusians then, and in Russia, there isn't one now, so this idea didn't work either.

“They sit abroad and manipulate you,” the chairman of the Yabloko party bravely countered Navalny’s widow.

In short, everyone went their own way, and Russia's taiga is boundless.

At the same time, the regime's loss of internal energy is clearly noticeable.

Indirect signals — statements in social networks or, more precisely, mass silence in social networks, polls in Telegram that the authorities had to inflate post-factum — show us that the war has tired even the chauvinistic part of society, the audience of Z-channels.

There is an extensive repressive apparatus, there is the most expensive propaganda machine in the world: even China does not have one like it. But there are no signs that Putin's regime elicits the former enthusiasm. 99.9% for Kadyrov is present, but zero enthusiasm. Everything is held together by the principle of "everything is seized, everything is paid for," and the internal passion fades.

This does not mean the inevitability of change. If such a system has resources, it can run on them for a long time, even until a change in the system of coordinates.

The regime's agents will continue to do everything — from manipulations to murders — to prevent the emergence of a single leader, a single center of opposition.

This also explains why this slaughter continues — imperialist successes are needed.

But, in my humble opinion, if any circles from Putin's entourage or Putin's successor want to change course, they also have something to play on and someone to lean on.

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